- Companies Index
- Government Index
- Home
- About Us
- Our Work
- Why It Matters
- Defence Corruption Risks Typology
- Diagnosing Corruption Risks
- Metrics & Surveys
- Self-Assessment Process
- research
- Companies Index
- Preliminary Results
- Northrop Grumman
- MTU Aero Engines
- Babcock International
- DCNS
- EMBRAER
- Fujitsu
- Lockheed Martin
- Rolls Royce
- Safran
- Thales
- BAE Systems
- Dyncorp
- General Electric
- Harris Corporation
- Hewlett Packard
- Raytheon
- Honeywell
- ITT Corporation
- KBR Inc
- L3 Communications
- Nec Corporation
- Rockwell Collins
- SAIC
- ST Engineering
- Meggit
- Arsenal AD
- Cobham
- Curtiss Wright
- Day & Zimmermann
- General Dynamics
- Patria
- QinetiQ
- Rafael Advanced Defense Systems
- RUAG
- Russian Helicopters
- Saab
- Textron
- Ultra Electronics
- Serco
- EADS
- Dassault Aviation
- Fluor
- Diehl Stiftung
- CAE Inc
- MDBA Missile Systems
- Thyssen Krupp 2
- Finmeccanica 2
- Goodrich Corporation
- United Technologies
- Aselsan
- Agility
- Jacobs Engineering
- Wyle
- Cubic Corporation
- AAR
- Alion Science and Technology
- ATK
- Booz Allen Hamilton
- CSC
- FLIR
- Mantech
- Teledyne Technologies
- VSE Corporation
- Nammo
- Daewoo
- Samsung
- MTU
- Otokar
- Oshkosh Corporation
- Krauss-Maffei Wegmann
- Damen Schelde
- LIG Nex 1
- Poongsan
- Chemring
- Rheinmetall
- Hindustan Aeronautics
- Navantia
- CACI International
- General Atomics
- SRA International
- SRC Inc
- URS Corporation
- Fincantieri
- Mitsubishi Heavy Industries
- Indra
- Aviation Industry Corporation
- Avibras
- Avio
- Battelle
- Bharat Earth Movers Limited
- Bharat Electronics
- Boustead
- Bumar Group
- China Shipbuilding Industry Corporation
- Navistar
- Doosan DST
- Elbit Systems
- GKN
- Gorky Automobile Plant
- Israel Aerospace Industries
- Israel Military Industries
- Kawasaki Heavy Industries
- Mitsubishi Electric
- Nexter
- Zodiac SA Holding
- Denel
- RTI Systems
- Accenture
- Abu Dhabi Shipbuilding
- Tatra
- testing
- Defence Companies Anti-Corruption Index: Preliminary results - Part B
- Preliminary Results
- Government Index
- Gov Index Preliminary Results
- Kenya
- Russia
- Ghana
- Hungary
- Cyprus
- Argentina
- France
- Cote D'Ivoire
- Serbia
- Afghanistan
- Iran
- Bulgaria
- Kazakhstan
- Croatia
- Algeria
- Jordan
- Thailand
- Ukraine
- Italy
- India
- Nigeria
- Iraq
- Eritrea
- Cameroon
- Syria
- Sweden
- Somalia
- China
- Democratic Republic of the Congo
- South Africa
- Israel
- Kuwait
- Latvia
- West Bank
- Rwanda
- Singapore
- Ethiopia
- Nepal
- Turkey
- Pakistan
- United Kingdom
- Bangladesh
- Brazil
- USA
- Belarus
- Australia
- Georgia
- Poland
- Qatar
- Uzbekistan
- Venezuela
- Colombia
- Greece
- Saudi Arabia
- Austria
- Morocco
- Yemen
- Zimbabwe
- Indonesia
- Bahrain
- Sri Lanka
- Angola
- Tunisia
- South Korea
- Bosnia and Herzegovina
- Mexico
- Czech Republic
- Lebanon
- Singapore
- Norway
- Philippines
- UAE
- Tanzania
- Japan
- Malaysia
- Germany
- Oman
- Slovakia
- Chile
- Spain
- Uganda
- Lybia
- Egypt
- Taiwan
- With Governments & Armed Forces
- With the Defence Industry
- Education & Training
- Tackling Defence Corruption Around the World
- Focus Areas
- Tools & Resources
- Publications
- FAQ
- Media Room
- Defence Corruption News Digest
- News Archive
- Upcoming Events
- Our Programme in the Media
- What we are Reading/Listening to
- Press Releases
- Events Archive
- 'The Transparency of Defence Budgets' got high media attention in launch in Malaysia
- Blog
- jobs
UN Arms Trade Treaty
|
Transparency International Defence and Security Programme (TI DSP) continues its efforts to lobby for a strong anti-corruption mechanism in a robust UN Arms Trade Treaty (ATT), and calls on UN member states to agree an ATT as soon as possible. In July, the 193 member states of the United Nations met in New York for the “UN Conference on the ATT”, tasked to “attain an effective and balanced legally-binding instrument on the highest possible common international standards for the transfer of conventional arms. The conference saw an unprecedented level of support for the inclusion of strong anti-corruption mechanisms, which ultimately led to helpful anti-corruption risk assessment before approving an arms transfer in the draft treaty text. Unfortunately, an ATT was not agreed in July. In the run-up to new ATT negotiations, TI-DSP will continue its longstanding collaboration with civil society (Oxfam, Saferworld, the Arias Foundation, and many others), governments, and the defence industry to illustrate the benefits of addressing corruption risks at all stages of an arms transfer and to demonstrate options as to how anti-corruption provisions can best be practically implemented. In July 2012, the inclusion of anti-corruption in an ATT received support from more than 60 UN member states. This included the European Union (not only on behalf of the EU-27 but also on behalf of Albania, Bosnia and Herzegovina, Croatia, Iceland, Macedonia, Moldova, Montenegro, Serbia, and Turkey), ECOWAS (on behalf of its 15 member states), as well as CARICOM (on behalf of its 15 member states). A large number of UN member states furthermore called for strong anti-corruption mechanisms in a robust ATT in their national capacity. These included Australia, Austria, Bangladesh, Belgium, Cameroon, Costa Rica, Cote d’Ivoire, Cyprus, Denmark, DRC, France, Finland, Germany, Ghana, Hungary, Holy See, Italy, Ireland, Japan, Kenya, Liberia , Luxemburg, Malawi, Mexico, Nigeria, Netherlands, Palau, Philippines, Senegal, Spain, Sweden, Switzerland, Tanzania, Togo, United Kingdom, Uruguay, and Zambia. Support to the Un Arms Trade Treaty also came from the private sector, as 21 large institutional investors issued a statement supporting the inclusion of anti-corruption mechanisms in an ATT. These investors – both asset owners and asset managers – collectively represent assets over USD 1.2 trillion, an amount larger than the total volume of the global arms trade, estimated by SIPRI to be around USD 50 billion per year. They demand that an ATT includes a commitment by State parties “to prevent the transfer of conventional arms […] which are likely to encourage corruption and unaccountable and non-transparent diversion of public spending”. Why anti-corruption provisions need to be included in the ATTThe international arms trade is among the most corruption-prone sectors. Arms deals tend to be surrounded by high levels of commercial and national security. This makes the trade particularly susceptible to the risk of corruption as a vehicle for illegal and undesirable arms transfers. Illicit arms transfers have negative consequences for international humanitarian law, human rights, and sustainable development as well as for efforts to combat violent organised crime and terrorism.
In their 2007 replies pursuant to paragraph 1 of General Assembly resolution 61/89, many states explicitly recognised the need for an anti-corruption mechanism in an ATT. The urgent need to tackle corruption and bribery in the ATT was emphasised by Bangladesh, Bosnia and Herzegovina, Burkina-Faso, Chile, Côte d’Ivoire, France, Iceland, Japan, Liberia, Mali, the Netherlands, Niger, Norway, Spain, Sweden, Togo, the UK, and Zambia. Read more on Our Focus Areas.
Read more on Our Work. |






